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History vs. Henry VIII - Mark Robinson and Alex Gendler

He is the General Textual Editor of the Internet Shakespeare Editions project - one of the most visited Shakespeare websites in the world. For over nine years he has written the annual review of editions and textual studies for the Shakespeare Survey. Help Centre. My Wishlist Sign In Join.

Be the first to write a review. Add to Wishlist. Ships in 7 to 10 business days. Link Either by signing into your account or linking your membership details before your order is placed. Description Table of Contents Product Details Click on the cover image above to read some pages of this book! Henry VII had mounted large though abortive campaigns against France in and Scotland in , and indulged in sabre-rattling in the last years of his reign, apparently with the primary aim of deterring foreign interference in his domestic political security or the succession of his son.

Such interference, ranging from mild favour to pretenders to full-scale invasion, had been all too frequent in the troubled politics of later medieval England-in , , , and - and would come close again in and in the Spanish-backed plots against Elizabeth.

King John and King Henry VIII (New Kittredge Shakespeare)

Yet the scale of Henry's foreign ventures was far out of proportion to the threat to internal stability represented by the Yorkists; and when England's security was genuinely menaced by the rapprochement between Francis I and Charles V in and the plans for a crusade against Henry's schism, his reaction was profoundly defensive: he spent vast sums fortifying the coastline and sought otherwise distasteful alignment with the German Lutherans.

His plans to attack the Netherlands in were an extension of economic warfare calculated to produce an internal collapse in the Habsburgs' most vulnerable territories, and thus force Charles V to relent in his opposition to Henry's divorce from the Emperor's aunt Catherine of Aragon. Likewise his military cooperation with Charles in served as a conspicuous rehabilitation of the Defender of the Faith and Supreme Head of the Church of England as an acceptable ally for the Catholic King and Holy Roman Emperor, rather than the schismatic pariah he had been in For that reason it had to be seen to be done with enthusiasm and effect.

On occasion Henry also thought in terms of using England's military resources to inhibit the establishment of an unhealthy dominance by one continental power or the other. Yet Henry was no dedicated exponent of balance-of-power politics, as he showed in His first reaction to Pavia was not to swing his support behind a stricken France, but to propose her partition with Charles V.

Unmapped history

The experience of his predecessors might suggest it Henry V linked the organization of his French campaigns intimately with his drive to impose justice at home, composing feuds between noblemen and gentlemen and drawing them together in military comradeship, prosecuting them for their offences but offering them pardons in return for their service in war 7. He followed this general assertion with no fewer than eight historical examples.

Yet they did provide employment for some of the potentially disruptive elements in society, such as the runaway apprentices who sought adventure in the skirmishes around Calais in the s, and for many of Henry's greater subjects they gave opportunity for loyal and effective service which smoothed their relationship with the king. Yet such works probably had at least as much public appeal as the equally rumbustious polemic of the early Protestant reformers, and for the more sophisticated reader there were Latin treatises justifying resistance to Louis XII's schism the conciliabulum of Pisa in earlier in the reign, and later the humanist Richard Morison's Exhortation to Styrre all Englyshemen to the Defence of theyr Countrye Englishmen who occasionally rioted against foreigners and generally agitated against any plans for a royal marriage which might result in a foreign king-as in , and - provided an attentive readership for such material.

Yet their reluctance te pay wartime taxes and their tendency to desert from Henry's armies suggest that the mobilization of national feeling through war was patchy at best. Certainly some of his intimate servants and ministers benefited from his wars. Some did so directly: William Compton, groom of the stool and head of the Privy Chamber staff, fitted out a ship to prey on French commerce in More usually the rewards were indirect, in the patronage which military command made available to the councillors and courtiers who led Henry's armies and fleets and stacked them with their friends, relations and clients; or in the king's gifts to his generals.

The latter included promotion within or into the peerage, from the dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk created in for their roles in the battle of Flodden and the capture of Tournai, to Lord Poynings, ennobled in on his appointment as lieutenant of Boulogne. More material rewards were also available, as Suffolk found in when his three years of campaigning against Scotland and France were recognized by the special favour of buying monastic lands from the crown at one-third the normal price.

Yet Henry's commanders in wartime were also his leading councillors in peacetime, and were significantly rewarded for less martial services: they had no overwhelming interest in urging Henry into war. Painstaking attempts to reconstruct the political history of Henry's court find it hard to identify clear war and peace parties except at the margins of politics, as among the pacifist humanist intellectuals of the early years of the reign.

King John: Still England's Greatest Villain

And in any case, what little clear evidence does survive about Henry's decision-making suggests that the king took a clearer and better-informed role in matters of foreign affairs than in any other business of state, religion occasionally excepted. To understand Henry's wars we must examine his attitude to war and the culture that shaped it, a culture largely shared and reinforced by the courtiers, councillors and commanders who surrounded him. In the last years of Henry VII's reign, when the future Henry VIII was aged between ten and seventeen, there were at least thirteen tournaments at court Many featured young courtiers who would emerge as royal favourites in the next reign, and latterly some included Henry, Prince of Wales himself.

Long before, in , Henry had been created earl marshal, the national arbiter in questions of honour: initially this was doubtless a ploy of Henry VII's to keep a sensitive post under close royal control, but as the prince grew into his dignities it may have awakened his interest in such matters. By the end of his father's reign even his younger sister Mary was drawn into the world of courtly chivalry, presiding over jousts as Lady of the May and receiving poems in the idiom of courtly love pledging loyalty to the Tudors, like those penned by the swooning courtiers of Elizabeth I.

For the grim usurper Henry VII such foibles must have been reckoned worthwhile in terms of political expediency, exploiting the ideals of loyal service among a chivalrous nobility to underpin the stability of his house, and advertising his might to observers at home and abroad in the international language of Burgundian magnificence. But there are also clear signs that Henry VII's chivalry was more than a tool. He provided equipment and prizes for feats of arms even when they served no overtly propagandist purpose, and often judged tournaments even though he - a prematurely aged and profoundly worried man in his last decade - did not fight in them as his son did.

Moreover, those who did participate in Henry VII's tournaments, often with manic enthusiasm, included his closest intimates at court, men who had shared his exile in Brittany and France some themselves Bretons , men who hunted with him and at times carried out trusted tasks in his government. He was an enthusiastic patron of Edward Ill's Order of the Garter, attending its ceremonies, stressing the knightly credentials of those elected into membership, and - a real sign of commitment in a king who loathed paperwork - altering a draft of revisions to the statutes in his own hand.

Iconographic evidence for Henry's identification with his namesake has been found in the Garter's register, where the Lancastrian king is depicted with the Tudor's features, an honour accorded to other royal paragons to whom Henry VIII liked to compare himself, notably King David in Henry's private psalter Many of Henry's actions point in the same direction: he imitated Henry V to mould himseif as another triumphant son of a troubled usurper.

Like Henry, he began by mercifully reconciling dynastic rivals to his rule, but on the eve of his invasion of France in he executed the imprisoned Yorkist Edmund de la Pole in an echo of the fate of the Southampton plotters of On campaign he walked round his camp at night encouraging the watches, as Henry was recorded to have done; after his conquest of Tournai he distributed French estates to his lieutenants, in this case a castle to Charles Brandon.

He invited the Emperor of his day to visit England, as Henry had welcomed Sigismund, and set himself up as a defender of the Church, if needs be of the English church against papal power, as Henry had backed the Council of Constance and resisted Beaufort's elevation to the cardinalate.

King John: Still England's Greatest Villain

The message seems to have caught the imagination of his subjects. Henry was presented with an English translation of a Latin biography of his namesake in ; by the s the Calais garrison was holding an annual procession to celebrate Agincourt; and twice in that decade a poem about the same battle found its way into print. Seller Inventory zk Ships with Tracking Number! Buy with confidence, excellent customer service!. Seller Inventory n. William Shakespeare; James H.

Henry III: 10 Lesser-Known Facts - HistoryExtra

William Shakespeare ; James H. Publisher: Focus , This specific ISBN edition is currently not available. View all copies of this ISBN edition:. From the Publisher : An exciting new edition of the complete works of Shakespeare with these features: Illustrated with photographs from New York Shakespeare Festival productions, vivid readable readable introductions for each play by noted scholar David Bevington, a lively personal foreword by Joseph Papp, an insightful essay on the play in performance, modern spelling and pronunciation, up-to-date annotated bibliographies, and convenient listing of key passages.

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